This chart shows what matters more as schools announce COVID-19 reopening plans


Pre-schoolers and instructors in summer session in Monterey Park, Calif.


Getty Images

One of the most enduring—and maddening—aspects of Betsy DeVos’s legacy as secretary of education will be the way she has politically charged complicated issues in education.

By reducing nuanced issues to a simple directive or judgment, she has attached her reputation—and President Trump’s reputation in turn—to those positions, making the issues as polarizing as the two of them. Examples abound, from charter schools to Title IX.

Now, though, we have an issue that seems more complicated, with higher stakes, than anything the education community has seen in decades. Local and state policymakers must decide whether, when, and how to open schools amid a dangerous and unpredictable pandemic. These decisions are challenging in many ways, from their countless logistical considerations to hard ethical questions about how to weigh public health risks against the costs of school closings. The considerations vary from one city (and school) to the next based on local infection rates, school resources, and community needs.

One would hope—and expect—the federal government would respond with deference to local leaders, generous resources to support school reopeningand distance learning, and clarity on medical research and best practices. Yet, the federal government’s response has fallen far short of this standard. The message from the Trump administration has been to open school doors, no matter what. Reporting on negotiations between the White House and Republican legislators suggests that almost half of funds for K-12 schools in the COVID-19 aid package could be unavailable to schools that do not reopen with in-person learning. CDC guidance on school reopening has become so politicized that it now lacks credibility.

This puts local decision-makers in the precarious position of making reopening decisions with insufficient resources and information, and problematic incentives. Moreover, now that school reopening has become politicized—like mask-wearing and hydroxychloroquine before it—we’re all in the precarious position of having local and state leaders who might, knowingly or not, prioritize politics over safety and reason in their decision-making.

An analysis of school reopening plans

I brought together data from a few sources to get a sense for whether the reopening decisions to date seem more related to public health or politics. I downloaded an EdWeek database of school district reopening plans, which, as of July 27, represented about 13 million students in 256 districts (excluding districts with plans coded as “Undecided,” and Puerto Rico, which does not participate in U.S. presidential elections).

Since school district boundaries are not coterminous with county boundaries in some states, I used data from the U.S. Department of Education to identify the districts’ primary county location. I then merged data from the MIT Election Data + Science Lab with county-level results from the 2016 presidential election and data from USAFacts showing the number of new COVID-19 cases by county from July 1 to July 25. The idea is to see what is more related to these district decisions (albeit not necessarily causally)—local health conditions or politics.

Figure 1, below, shows that reopening decisions are much more correlated with local political attitudes. Each dot in the scatterplot represents a school district. The light blue dots represent districts that, by EdWeek’s coding, had announced “Full in-person reopening available for all students” (the preferred approach of the Trump administration). The dark blue dots represent districts that have announced plans for “Remote learning only.” The x-axis shows the percentage of each county’s population that reports a new COVID-19 case during the month of July (through July 25), while the y-axis shows President Trump’s county-level vote share in the 2016 election.

If public health considerations were driving districts’ decisions, we might expect to see the light blue dots to the left and the dark blue dots to the right. This would mean that districts with relatively high COVID-19 rates per capita are the ones opting for distance learning.

In reality, there is no relationship—visually or statistically—between school districts’ reopening decisions and their county’s new COVID-19 cases per capita.

In contrast, there is a strong relationship—visually and statistically—between districts’ reopening decisions and the county-level support for Trump in the 2016 election. Districts located in counties that supported Trump are much more likely to have announced plans to open in person.

On average, districts that have announced plans to reopen in person are located in counties in which 55% voted for Trump in 2016, compared to 35% in districts that have announced plans for remote learning only. Unsurprisingly, the one remaining group in EdWeek’s data—“Hybrid/Partial”—falls right in the middle, at 44%.

These data aren’t perfect. For example, EdWeek’s database of district reopening plans is, by its own acknowledgement, incomplete, and school districts don’t map perfectly to counties. However, the patterns are so clear, and the regression results so consistent (e.g., controlling for different variables and restricting the timeframe of district announcements), that it seems implausible that politics aren’t a major factor in district decision-making.

Looking ahead

There has been some optimism that local leaders will set national politics aside as they make decisions about school plans for the fall. However, we need to be clear-eyed that national politics—and the strings attached to federal resources—can affect the decisions of local and state leaders. Politicization has become an immediate concern for the COVID-19 relief package, which now threatens to withhold funds from school districts in severely affected areas that need to build remote learning capacity. As Sarah Reber and Nora Gordon have argued, Congress needs to move quickly and generously, without playing games with school reopening politics.

Now is a time for local and state policymakers to focus on the best interests of their communities, apart from how that relates to matters of ideology and national politics. Of course, better leadership from the federal government would take us a long way in that direction.

Jon Valant is a senior fell at The Brookings Institition’s Brown Center on Education Policy. Follow him on Twitter @JonValant. This was originally published on The Brookings Institution’s Chalkboard blog.





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Republicans want to replace extra $600 unemployment with 70% replacement wages — but that could take months


What’s next for Americans who may have received their last unemployment-insurance checks that included the extra $600 a week from the CARES Act?

Well, that depends on how well-equipped their states’ employment offices are.

On Monday, Senate Republicans unveiled a new stimulus package, dubbed the Health, Economic Assistance, Liability Protection and Schools Act, or HEALS Act, that calls for implementing supplemental weekly unemployment benefits equal to 70% of a workers’ prior wages with a $500 cap.

But implementing that would take a minimum of eight to 20 weeks for state labor departments, according to a memo to members of Congress written by the National Association of State Workforce Agencies, a nonprofit and nonpartisan trade group.


The Republicans’ HEALS Act would allocate some $2 billion for state workforce agencies to upgrade their computer processing systems.

Until states can implement that, the Republican plan calls for two months where unemployment beneficiaries would receive a flat $200 a week on top of what they would otherwise receive at the state level.

Labor Secretary Eugene Scalia said, “the great majority [of states] indicated they can get this done within eight weeks.” States can apply for a waiver from the Department of Labor “if they’re not able to achieve it” within eight weeks, he said in a CNBC interview on Tuesday.

Opinion: Killing the $600 unemployment benefit is a boneheaded move

The HEALS Act would allocate some $2 billion for state workforce agencies to upgrade their computer processing systems.

Scalia said that one proposal put forth by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and Senator Ron Wyden, a Democrat from Oregon, which ties unemployment benefits to state unemployment rates, would have “required more changes by states.”

The time lag to switch over to the 70% wage-replacement payout formula is related to the fact that so many people receiving unemployment benefits are self-employed or are gig workers, said Wayne Vroman, an economist at the Urban Institute, a left-leaning policy think tank.

Under the $2 trillion stimulus package, known as the CARES Act, these types of workers became eligible for unemployment benefits. Without the CARES Act, they would have been ineligible.

Unlike traditional salaried workers, self-employed and gig workers often have volatile incomes that are not automatically reported to state workforce agencies.Therefore, state workforce agencies “would have to request that information from an applicant from their 1099 tax form,” Vroman said.

(A 1099 tax form is often used in place of a W2 form to report earnings to the government for a person who is not an employee, according to the Internal Revenue Service.)

“Those forms would serve as a source of income but they are much more difficult to get a hold of,” he said, and would likely require state workforce personnel to speak individually with unemployment beneficiaries.


‘The Republican proposal on unemployment benefits, simply put, is unworkable. It will delay benefits for weeks if not months as we slide into a greater degree of recession.’


— Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer

If unemployment benefits are distributed based on claimants’ prior wages, “new capacity would need to be created to receive and analyze earnings data for self-employed workers,” the National Association of State Workforce Agencies said.

But many states like Florida are already struggling with processing jobless claims in a timely manner. As a result, more than 55,000 Floridians who were eligible missed out on the $600 a week boost in unemployment benefits, CNBC reported.

The Department of Economic Opportunity, which administers unemployment benefits in Florida, recently cut nearly 1,000 contracted call center workers.

The agency told MarketWatch it is “actively monitoring the discussions being made by Congress to possibly extend Federal unemployment benefits and will work diligently with the U.S. Department of Labor to serve Floridians.”

Vromen suspects that states which supplement their workforce agencies with more funding on the state level as opposed to relying on federal funds would adjust more easily to the 70% wage replacement formula if the Republican proposal is signed into law.

Also see: Republicans and Democrats both want another round of stimulus checks — but here’s where they disagree

House and Senate Democrats hold that the Republican proposal for unemployment benefits unfairly penalizes Americans who are unemployed due to the pandemic. “If you’ve lost your job through no fault of your own Republicans want you to take a 30% pay cut,” Chuck Schumer, a New York Democrat, said Monday.

“The Republican proposal on unemployment benefits, simply put, is unworkable. It will delay benefits for weeks if not months as we slide into a greater degree of recession,” he said on the Senate floor.

Schumer and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, as well as many other Democratic lawmakers, have been urging Republicans to consider the HEROES Act, a $3 trillion stimulus package House Democrats passed in May.

That proposal, among other things, would extend the extra $600 federal unemployment benefit to January 2021.

The Congressional Budget Office found that if these benefits were extended through January 2021, an estimated five of every six recipients would receive more in benefits than they would from working those six months.

Republicans say that would act as a disincentive for beneficiaries to return to work. Democrats however hold that there aren’t enough jobs out there for unemployed people to fill.



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Bryan Cranston reveals he’s recovering from coronavirus: ‘Keep wearing the damn mask’


He is the one who masks.

Bryan Cranston has revealed that he contracted COVID-19 “a little while ago” — and he wants everyone to mask up and practice social distancing.

The decorated Emmy and Tony Award-winning actor perhaps best known for playing chemistry teacher turned meth dealer Walter White on the critically-acclaimed AMC series “Breaking Bad” said he became infected despite being “pretty strict in adhering to the protocols.”

“I contracted the virus. Yep,” he wrote in an Instagram
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post on Thursday, adding “it sounds daunting now that over 150,000 Americans are dead because of it. I was one of the lucky ones. Mild symptoms.”

And he urged his 2.5 million followers to “keep wearing the damn mask, keep washing your hands, and stay socially distant.”


“We can prevail — but ONLY if we follow the rules together.”

What’s more, he revealed in a video accompanying his post that he recently donated his plasma to the UCLA Blood & Platelet Center, because his blood has the COVID-19 antibodies.

Researchers are studying whether convalescent plasma from recovered coronavirus patients could reduce the severity of COVID-19 illnesses in sick patients by boosting their ability to fight off the virus.

Convalescent plasma has been used to treat ebola and flu patients during past viral outbreaks. And preliminary studies have found that convalescent plasma from recovered COVID-19 patients is generally safe to use, and appears to raise the survival rate of those hospitalized with COVID-19. The FDA could even authorize the emergency use of the antibody-rich plasma for emergency use in COVID-19 patients as early as next week, the Wall Street Journal reported.

Cranston documented part of his roughly hour-long donation procedure in the video clip, and explained the process in a ticker scrolling beneath the video.

Basically, the donor’s blood is taken and separated into three parts (including the plasma, platelets and red blood cells) by a centrifuge. The doctors then take the plasma, and the platelets and red blood cells are returned back to the donor.

“Pretty neat huh?” Cranston’s ticker reads.

The center was able to collect 840 milliliters from Cranston during his visit. “Beautiful…liquid gold,” Cranston says, eying the bag of honey-colored plasma. “Hopefully it can do some good.”

He then wraps the video with, “Have you had COVID-19? This is something that you might be able to do to.”

Watch it here:

And keep up with MarketWatch’s coronavirus coverage here.



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How Apple’s stock split will change the pecking order in the 124-year old Dow


Apple Inc. is planning a 4-for-1 stock split and it has important implications for the Dow Jones Industrial Average, of which it is a key component.

The iPhone maker on Thursday announced that its board approved the stock split. The split, intended to make Apple “more accessible to a broader base of investors,” will impact owners of record as of Aug. 24 and Apple’s shares
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which closed at $384.76 on Thursday, will trade on a split-adjusted basis on Aug. 31.

Because the Dow
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is a price-weighted index, the scheduled split at the end of next month means that Apple will move from the most influential component of the 30-member blue-chip index to perhaps the 15th- or 16th-most significant member of the index.

The Dow’s price-weighting means the value of the stock gauge is determined by the price changes of its components, rather than percentage changes. The overall value of the index is computed by adding the price of the components and dividing by the so-called Dow divisor, which currently stands at 0.14744568353097.

That means that every dollar move of a company translates to a 6.78-point swing in the 124-year-old benchmark.

The divisor accounts for stock splits, so in that way Apple’s 4-for-1 split will alter its own influence on the benchmark and the divisor by which the index is calculated. The divisor is determined by S&P Dow Jones Indices, which owns the Dow indexes.

UnitedHealth Group Inc.
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which closed at $305.23, could become the most influential member of the Dow at the end of August. Home Depot Inc.
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is currently the third-priciest stock in the Dow, finishing Thursday trade at $266.31.

Apple has been the largest, and therefore the most influential, Dow component since April 29, according to Dow Jones Market Data.

Other indexes, including the S&P 500 index
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and the Nasdaq Composite Index
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+0.42%
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are market-capitalization weighted, therefore they are impacted by the overall value of their components.

Apple currently stands as the biggest company by market cap, boasting a value of $1.647 trillion, as of Thursday’s close, according to FactSet data. Microsoft
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ranks No. 2 at $1.54 trillion, while Amazon.com Inc
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is the third-most highly valued U.S. company at $1.513 trillion.

It is for that reason that the large-capitalization components have had an outsize impact on returns for the broader market, excluding the Dow, since stocks hit their recent nadir in late March.

For example, the price-weighted Dow has gained 41.5% since its March 23 low, while the S&P 500 has returned 45% and the Nasdaq has climbed 54% over the same period.

Apple became a Dow member back in March 2015. Back then, AT&T
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was taken out in exchange for the Cupertino, Calif.-based technology behemoth.

Splits of shares in Dow components aren’t uncommon. Nike Inc.
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announced a 2-for-1 stock split back in December 2015.

Apple’s stock-split announcement came after the company brushed off the COVID-19 crisis to report record results Thursday. The company posted fiscal third-quarter net income of $11.25 billion, or $2.58 a share, up from $10.04 billion, or $2.18 a share, in the year-prior quarter. Analysts surveyed by FactSet had been anticipating $2.05 a share.



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Why are ‘Karens’ so angry? Videos of white women confronting Black people have taken social media by storm


Sometimes they approach with a smile. Other times, it’s with the rage of angels.

About four months ago, Terence Fitzgerald, and his two sons, who are 5 and 3 years old, were on a weekend bike ride in his neighborhood, a quiet suburb in Southern California with picturesque houses situated amid generous lawns.

“My oldest loves nature and stopped all of a sudden,” Fitzgerald said. “It forced us all to hit the brakes because he was leading us on our little adventure. He saw a cardinal and wanted to show me. The bird sat on a branch on the edge of someone’s property.”

It was one of those occasions a parent remembers: an ordinary moment when he and his family got to escape the rat race, pause and take a breath to enjoy the simple gifts of nature and fleeting childhood. Blink and that 5-year-old will be 15. Blink again, he’ll be 25.


‘All of a sudden a truck stopped. A white woman rolled down her window, and said, “What’s going on here? What are you looking at?”’


— Terence Fitzgerald, who had stopped to observe a cardinal in a tree while cycling with his 5- and 3-year-old sons

Alas, Fitzgerald remembers that day for another reason. “All of a sudden, a truck stopped. A white woman rolled down her window and said, ‘What’s going on here? What are you looking at?’ I felt this surge of anger rise within me,” he recalled.

Fitzgerald, a clinical associate professor of social work at the University of Southern California and the author of “Black Males and Racism: Improving the Schooling and Life Chances of African Americans,” said he was ready to use a tone of voice his children had never heard before. “But I looked at my boys and realized that I am their role model and knew I had to control myself,” he says.

“I simply said in the smartest-ass way possible, ‘A bird,’” he said. “I gave them the death stare and the husband said, ‘Well, all right then,’ as if he was giving me permission to continue on my day. He rolled up their window and drove on. This neighborhood is my neighborhood.”

For a moment, he wondered if he had made the wrong decision in moving there. “There are maybe two other families of color here,” Fitzgerald said. “I told my wife we should have never moved into a development with ‘Plantation’ in the name.”

This is an all-too-familiar story of a white person “policing” Black neighbors. “Karens” and “Kens” have been filmed on smartphones challenging people of color with increasing regularity: “Why are you in this building? Do you live here?” Or even, “You’re not allowed to sell lemonade on this street!”

Many say these videos, whether featuring Karens or Kens, shed light on racism and ongoing harassment of people of color by white people, sometimes even their neighbors. Meanwhile, some white feminists argue that the Karen video meme has gone too far, smacks of misogyny and aggressively shames women who are merely having a bad day.

Research suggests Black people are mistreated based on their race more than white people. Some 65% of Black adults say they’ve been in situations where people acted suspicious of them, compared to just 25% of white adults, according to the Pew Research Center.

The Karen phenomenon can be roughly split into two groups: white people who confront and question people of color, and white people who show antipathy or rage toward authority — retail and restaurant workers who ask them to abide by social-distancing rules and wear face masks, for example — or ask to see the manager.

A recent prominent example of the first category is Amy Cooper, who called the cops on May 25 — the same day George Floyd died in police custody, sparking Black Lives Matter protests — after Christian Cooper (no relation) asked her to put her dog on a leash in New York’s Central Park.

They are the neighborhood busybody who has a problem with their Black neighbors: Earlier this summer, Fareed Nassor Hayat and Norrinda Brown Hayat’s neighbor in Montclair, N.J., called the police demanding to see a permit because Hayat and her husband were building a patio in their backyard.

“This isn’t just an argument between neighbors when she’s using the power of the state. She’s calling on the power of the state to say, ‘Hey, I can have a knee on your neck if you don’t submit to me,’” Fareed Hayat said after the incident. Several white neighbors came to the couple’s defense, and the next day there was a protest in the neighborhood in support of the Hayats.

Some harassment runs the gamut from legal residency and ethnicity to sexuality. Earlier this month, this woman harassed a Latino gardener in California and, when he asked her to step back because she is not wearing a mask, she repeatedly said, “Can you show me your papers?” She called him “Mariposa,” Spanish slang for homosexual.

He told her, “I’m Mexican! I’m Filipino! I’m Chinese! You’re funny. You made my day.”

The other group of Karens and Kens featured in these viral memes and videos gets upset in public places when the rules don’t bend to their will. However, such cases may also raise larger issues about mental health, substance abuse and/or stress related to the pandemic.

Some people in these videos charge store staff at the entrance, cough on patrons, or throw their baskets on the floor or groceries out of their cart. In one particularly bizarre case that could be attributed to stubbornness or something more serious, “Costco Karen”
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sat on the floor of a Costco in Hillsboro, Ore., after declining to wear a mask.

“I’m an American. I have constitutional rights,” she said. After requesting to speak to the manager, she sat on the floor. A staff member politely asked her if she would like a chair.

White women also call other white women “Karen.” Take this recent trip to a hairdressers on Madison Avenue, as recounted by Gail, who asked to have her last name withheld. As she was paying her bill, Gail stood at the cash register next to a woman and her dog, who had been running around the salon without a leash. (The salon had a “No Dogs” sign outside.)

When asked to use her credit card, the woman refused to put it into the machine herself. “I couldn’t possibly do that! I have four assistants,” she said, according to Gail’s account. “My assistants do that for me.” The woman also complained about having to social distance and wear a mask. But Gail seemed excited tell the story. “Is she a Karen? I think I met a Karen!”

Racial animosity and economic disenfranchisement

While white women have been filmed for vehemently refusing to wear masks during the pandemic, Black men have even been targeted in stores for wearing them. In May, Kam Buckner, a member of the Illinois state legislature, was stopped by police after leaving a store while wearing a mask.

Buckner told a local news station: When it was clear he had bought the items in his possession, the uniformed officer in question told him, “People are using the coronavirus to do bad things. I couldn’t see your face, man. You looked like you were up to something.”

It was ironic, given the resistance among some white people to wearing face coverings. “I have been programmed to show as much of my face as possible and use certain cues to disarm anyone who might have a learned inclination to be suspicious of my very presence,” Buckner said.


‘People are using the coronavirus to do bad things. I couldn’t see your face, man. You looked like you were up to something.’


— Kam Buckner, a member of the state legislature in Illinois, recounting what a police officer reportedly told him when he walked out of a store wearing a face mask

“It is an indictment on the whole of society for creating a climate where this is normal and this is OK,” he added. “I can’t help but think of the dangers that are inherent for a number of Black men who are just adhering to the mask rule and, by doing so, look like they are ‘up to something.’”

In a paper published in the Michigan Journal of Race & Law last year, Chan Tov McNamarah documented a “legion” of white people calling the police on Black people “engaged in mundane activities” during the summer of 2018.

The article, “White Caller Crime: Racialized Police Communication and Existing While Black,” chronicles a litany of such instances ranging from sitting in Starbucks
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and playing golf to eating in university classrooms.

But explaining why a Karen or Ken questions Black people who are simply trying to go about their day is an attempt to rationalize the irrational, said Linda Clemons, the CEO of Sisterpreneur, an organization aimed at empowering female entrepreneurs.

“Children are not born that way,” she said. “It doesn’t come from their core being. It comes from someone who is racist or biased.” These divisions go back generations, she adds: “They are coming out of the woodwork. They were already there.”

Clemons says she tells white-women friends to use their voices to speak up against Karens, Kens and white supremacy: “Use your white privilege to form a human barrier.”

That has worked in the past, albeit fleetingly, and with mixed results. Black and white farmworkers fought side-by-side for better working conditions and pay in the 1930s, with the help of the Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union, a federation of tenant farmers, to push for reform of the rights, and the working conditions and pay of sharecroppers and tenant farmers.

“Women played a critical role in its organization and administration,” according to the Central Arkansas Library System Encyclopedia of Arkansas.

But politics and government policies got in the way. Laws and practices in the former Confederate states — such as poll taxes, literacy tests and “grandfather clauses” — were introduced to prevent Black people from voting, creating a two-tiered system among the Black and white workers.

Clemons sees the current social climate in the broader historical context of Black workers being scapegoated for white Americans’ economic ills and personal misfortunes, after being exploited as free labor for generations. “The White House was built off [the labor of] slavery and [on] Native Americans’ stolen land,” she said.

White allies have always been there too — perhaps not in the numbers seen so publicly since the civil-rights protests of 1968, Clemons said. But the most recent Black Lives Matter protests spurred by the deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and many other unarmed Black people at the hands of police have galvanized a new generation of white allies, she added.

The most recent spate of videos featuring white people confronting African Americans for innocuous reasons comes at a particularly polarizing time in American life, as Black Lives Matter protests sweep the country. Source: AFP via Getty Images


AFP via Getty Images

‘White people feel safer acting antisocially in public’

In the 21st-century U.S., a different set of economic and social fissures have emerged. President Donald Trump has long identified his white, blue-collar base as “the forgotten people,” those who feel they’ve been left behind. Globalization and technological advancement have hit manufacturing jobs in many of the pivotal states won by Trump in 2016.

“The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer,” Trump said in his election-night victory speech. The president-elect may have been paying uncredited homage to a 1932 speech by President Franklin D. Roosevelt that vowed help for “the forgotten man at the bottom of the economic pyramid.”

Given the resentments aired in Karen and Ken videos, they appear to be divided along political lines. FDR’s New Deal in 1933 provided federal support to African-Americans and, by the mid-1930s, most had cut historical ties with Republican Party.


Furloughs, layoffs, the stress of lockdowns and re-emergence of Black Lives Matter has left many Karens and Kens feeling insecure and threatened.

Facing discriminatory labor laws and practices, they threw their support behind Roosevelt and joined with labor unions, farmers and progressives. FDR’s 1936 reelection in a landslide shifted the balance of power in the Democratic Party from its Southern bloc of white conservatives to a more diverse field.

The most recent spate of videos featuring white people confronting Black people for the most innocuous reasons — and seeing red when they’re asked to socially distance by a store employee — comes at another polarizing time in American life, as Black Lives Matter protests sweep the country.

Lillian Glass, a Los Angeles-based communications and body-language expert and author of “Toxic People: 10 Ways of Dealing With People Who Make Your Life Miserable,” says the rage displayed in these videos is displaced, and likely originates with a combination of multiple other personal and financial problems.

Furloughs, layoffs, the stress of lockdowns and the re-emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement has left many Karens and Kens feeling insecure and threatened, Glass observes. “It’s like the perfect storm,” she said.

Fitzgerald, the USC social-work professor, contends fear fuels their fire: “People who have historically lived in a place of privilege and safety are being told a couple of jarring things that have shaken them to their core,” he said. “They are not safe. There is a new social-justice power pushing them to look in the mirror.”

“They are being told that the supposed fake media and the misguided liberals are to blame for the current state of social and economic turmoil,” he adds. “These in fact are the same people, along with people of color, who are challenging their long-held beliefs of white superiority.”

To Aram Sinnreich, an associate professor of communication at American University in Washington, D.C., “the more interesting dimension of this is the question of who is getting angry about masks.” Or put another way: Why are these people refusing to abide by store rules nearly always white?

“Let’s assume that almost everyone is feeling an unusual level of anxiety with a pandemic, record unemployment, political and social instability, and climate change,” Sinnreich said. “Why do some people feel empowered and entitled to act on this anxiety by publicly defying mask-wearing regulations?”

“White people in this country are less accustomed than people of color to having their public behavior subject to regulation, scrutiny and critique,” Sinnreich added. “That’s the purpose of whiteness, after all. So the enforcement of rules like this may come as more of a shock.”

It’s easier for some Americans than others to let loose, and break mandatory mask rules, he said. “White people feel safer acting antisocially in public because there is less of a pervasive threat of injury or death as a result, he said, whereas “a Black person can get killed for jogging or for opening their front door.”

Names have been used to refer to such individuals, mostly to allow for alliteration, #PermitPatti, who refused to accept that a Black family was allowed into a neighborhood pool, and #BBQBecky. Source: MarketWatch photo illustration/iStockphoto

The cultural history behind the name ‘Karen’

The phenomenon has jumped from the social-media peanut gallery to the halls of power. Calling 911 to report a fabricated, racially-biased emergency would be illegal in San Francisco under a proposal introduced earlier this month called, appropriately enough, the CAREN Act.

“This is the CAREN we need. Caution Against Racially Exploitative Non-Emergencies,” San Francisco Supervisor Shamann Walton tweeted.

You may wonder why these videos’ subjects are called Karen. The name’s popularity peaked in the mid-1960s, and given the demographics of the U.S. 60 years ago, one theory is that people named Karen are now mostly middle-aged and white.

The apparent genesis of the name’s pejoration was a low-key and, likely, sexist viral post some years back joking that there’s no such thing as a youthful Karen — that Karens arrive on the scene fully formed, grasping onto anti-vax conspiracy theories and usually demanding to see the manager.

There is some agreement that the name Karen is associated with white women. Karen Attiah wrote in the Washington Post that, as a kid in South Dallas in the 1990s, she introduced herself to other Black kids at the mall. “One of them raised an eyebrow and looked puzzled when I told him my name. ‘You don’t look like a Karen,’ he said. ‘That’s a white lady’s name.’”


‘White people in this country are less accustomed than people of color to having their public behavior subject to regulation, scrutiny, and critique.’


— Aram Sinnreich, an associate professor of communication at American University in Washington, D.C.

“My mother, who grew up in Nigeria, named me Karen precisely because she wanted me to blend into white American society and face fewer problems in life than I would have with a foreign or a ‘black-sounding’ name,” Attiah wrote. “Being a Karen has probably given me some advantages.”

This is not the first time arrogant white people have been given such sobriquets. In the 19th century, African Americans called condescending white men and women, as well as slave owners and their wives, Mister Charlies and Miss Anns. It was a covert and safer way of discussing their behavior.

In fact, James Baldwin wrote a 1964 play titled “Blues for Mister Charlie.” It was loosely based on the case of Emmett Till, the 14-year-old African-American from Chicago who was lynched in Mississippi in 1955 after he was accused of offending a white woman, Carolyn Bryant, in her parents’ grocery store. Bryant recanted that accusation decades after Till’s murder.

Even some white suffragettes have been identified as having Karen-esque tendencies. “In America, both the women’s-rights movement and the black-rights movement had their roots in the abolitionist organizations of the early 1800s, and they shared many members, goals and methods,” according to “On Account of Color and Sex,” a extensive analysis of that period by historian Whitney Sampson.

That all changed. “By the late 1860s, the leaders of the two movements disagreed completely on the relationship between their movement and the existing political structure, particularly the Republican Party,” she added. “They also held divergent opinions on why other women or Black people need to vote, and when enfranchisement should occur.”

Anna Howard Shaw, a white suffragette, turned her back on her Black compatriots in the movement. “You have put the ballot in the hands of your black men, thus making them political superiors of white women,” she said. “Never before in the history of the world have men made former slaves the political masters of their former mistresses.”

In recent times, other names have been used to refer to such individuals, mostly to allow for alliteration — #PermitPatti, who refused to accept that a Black family was allowed into a neighborhood pool, and #BBQBecky, who called the police on a Black family having a barbecue.

Pop culture has made some names stick: Sir-Mix-A-Lot’s “Baby Got Back” in 1992 featured a “Becky” who sounded like a stereotypical Valley Girl, while “Karen” surfaced in Dane Cook’s 2005 stand-up routine “The Friend Nobody Likes.“ “Every group has a Karen …” Cook said. (To be fair to Cook, he also said his friend group had such a person named Brian.)

Whether they’re called Karen and Ken or Becky and Brian, social commentators say the names provide a handle on behaviors born of entitlement, privilege or disenfranchisement and/or rage. Such run-ins with Karens and Kens are not always — explicitly, at least — related to race.

Some social commentators say the virality of Karen videos ignores the reality that people of color deal with being policed by white women and men. Pictured: The Women’s March Los Angeles in January 2018. Source: Getty Images

Is the virality of Karen videos misogynistic?

Karens and Kens are, one might assume, equally angry with their perception of the state of the world. But while videos of people losing their cool in stores and on airplanes feature both men and women, Karens make the news more often than Kens. People also appear to choose to film and/or share Karens on Twitter, Facebook
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and Instagram.

These videos are disturbing and chilling, but also mesmerizing and fascinating — they can rack up tens of millions of views online.

Fitzgerald says the virality of Karen videos ignores the reality that people of color deal with being policed by white women and men, and are effectively told they’re occupying what they regard as their space. “As people of color, we have equal negative experiences with both,” he said.

So why do videos of Karens get more clicks than those featuring men? Because these scenes take place in clothing stores and supermarkets, places where women still go more than men? Is it related to the toxic myth of female hysteria that still permeates society, whether at the workplace or the doctor’s office? Or is it a twisted fascination with seeing women “misbehave” in the context of “good girl” and “ladylike” patriarchal stereotypes?


Karens, arguably, are no angrier than their male counterparts. On Twitter, Facebook and Instagram, we see their anger more than Kens because people choose to film and/or share them.

“Recently, the meaning of ‘Karen’ was said to refer specifically to middle-class, middle-aged white women who are so entitled they ask to speak to the manager when perturbed, but has since morphed into a specifically racist white woman, who ‘weaponizes’ white, female fragility against largely black men,” Meghan Murphy, the founder and editor of the Feminist Current magazine, wrote in a recent edition.

She believes that the Karen memes and videos have “officially gone too far.” Murphy wrote: “This connects to sexist tropes that claim women use their emotions, vulnerability, and tears to manipulate men.”

“‘Becky,’ which originated as a means to refer to basic white women — the Uggs-wearing, Starbucks-buying
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pumpkin spice-loving kind — [is] probably young, probably blonde, probably not working class,” Murphy wrote. “Like ‘Karen,’ I never found this to be particularly offensive, as I had little desire to defend boring people who love Starbucks, but what was once a joke has become something much more egregious.”

She cites, as one of many examples, a male driver who identified a woman he described as a “Karen” and “then followed her home and filmed her as she melted down into hysterics, posting the video online.” Her “crime”? She flipped him off. The man who filmed the video, who is Black and gay and in his 20s, describes himself on his own website as “more than a viral video star.”

The man included her license plate in his video. It has been viewed more than 11 million times, and he is now selling T-shirts online based on the incident.

It makes for uncomfortable viewing.

The woman tells him to leave her alone. She cowers at the back of her car, attempting to hide her license plate. She screams about what is perhaps now regarded as the ultimate way to bring instant infamy to a white woman who makes a mistake or loses her cool in public: “He wants to call me a Karen and put me online!”

In a statement, Twitter said it doesn’t consider car license plates to be private information under its private-information policy and, while the apartment complex is visible in that video, there isn’t a visible address, so it’s not something it would take enforcement action on. The company declined to comment on the alleged harassment of this woman in the video.

Many such videos lack context, and we often don’t get to see what happened immediately before the video started, Murphy said. “We all know social media leaves little room for nuance, and far too many people enjoy a rage reaction over asking questions or considering they may not know the full story,” she said. “The truth is that, today, people’s lives can be destroyed in an instant, via a viral post. And our culture is wielding that power with very little care.”


‘This dual oppressor/oppressed identity often becomes a root of tension when white women are challenged to consider their white privilege by women of color.’


— Mamta Motwani Accapadi, who works in higher-education administration, writing in her study, ‘When White Women Cry’

Some who see the Karen and Ken videos and memes as necessary and revealing do acknowledge the sexist element of focusing on white women over white men. “We live in a sexist society, so of course any kind of public shaming will have a gendered element,” Sinnreich said.

Men and women express violence differently, he added. “Men may be more likely to start a physical altercation, to engage in domestic abuse or to vandalize property. It may be that calling the perpetrators of these incidents by the gendered term Karen is a tacit acknowledgment that the form of ‘acting out’ they are engaging in is one that is more frequently designated as an appropriate or expected form of anti-sociality for women.”

“The locale may be part of that,” Sinnreich added, “but so may be the nature of the acting out, such as disrupting normal business processes (checkout lines) and delegating violence by proxy to institutions (calling the cops on a bird-watcher who asks you to leash your dog).”

In her seminal article, “When White Women Cry,” semantics scholar Mamta Motwani Accapadi examined the complex relationship to social justice and diversity between white and Black women. She examined awkward moments between Black and white women at workplaces and educational institutions.

What she found: “This dual oppressor/oppressed identity often becomes a root of tension when white women are challenged to consider their white privilege by women of color.” That is to say, such conversations between white and Black colleagues about race don’t always go so well.

She cited a case study involving “Anita,” a woman of color, who raised a concern about the lack of support offered to her community from an office where “Susan” worked. Susan began to cry and said she “felt attacked.” Anita reassured Susan that her comments were not directed at her personally. Instead of discussing the issue of support or lack of diversity programs, the group spent its time consoling Susan. Susan later reported Anita to both of their respective managers.

Stephanie Younger, an 18-year-old activist, says the Karen phenomenon is not misogynistic or sexist. In her essay for the Black Feminist Collective, “The Backlash Against ‘Karen’ Memes Is Peak White Feminism,” she wrote, “While white women have the privilege of being called a ‘Karen’ for enforcing oppression against marginalized people, Black women and girls are labeled as ‘angry’” because of their race.

“White women, before you get defensive when we hold you accountable for weaponizing your privilege,” Younger wrote, “remember that Black girls are the ones who are being erased and marginalized.”

The stress and fear of COVID-19 can take their toll

But for every racist encounter, there are other social-media incidents where people act out in public that may not be related to more complex issues.

Melissa Rein Lively, the woman who filmed herself tearing down a mask display in early July at a Target
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in Scottsdale, Ariz. and posted it on her own social media, says she spent a week in a mental-health facility after the incident, and is using the public meltdown as a warning to others to seek help for issues related to mental health, especially during the coronavirus pandemic.

“I think mental illness has been really something that has not been addressed as a result of this pandemic,” Rein Lively, who said she received death threats after the July 4 incident, told USA Today this week, “because what happened to me was scary and it changed my life forever. I felt I had absolutely no control over my actions.”

Rein Lively, the chief executive and founder of a public-relations firm, said, “It’s going to take a long time for me to rebuild the trust from people, you know as I get my life and career back on track. I love what I do and am passionate about what I do and I’m going to fight this.” The video has been viewed on Twitter
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over 10 million times.


‘Mental illness has been really something that has not been addressed as a result of this pandemic because what happened to me was scary and it changed my life forever.’


— Melissa Rein Lively, the woman who filmed herself tearing down a mask display at a Target, says she regrets the incident

The very public meltdown led people online to dub her “Arizona Karen,” but it’s also a reminder that mental-health issues are caught up in the mix, too.

Pandemics can be stressful,” the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, says. The CDC says fear and worry about your own health and the health of your loved ones, your financial situation or job, or loss of support services you rely on, can all adversely impact your mental health. A recent Census Bureau survey found a surge in depression-related mood disorders during the pandemic.

Health authorities are concerned about the impact of the pandemic and job losses on people’s mental health, and some say it could lead to tragic outcomes. The growing epidemic of “deaths of despair” in the U.S. is also increasing due to the pandemic — and another 75,000 more people will likely die from drug or alcohol misuse and suicide, according to recent research.

The study, released in May by Well Being Trust and the Robert Graham Center for Policy Studies in Family Medicine and Primary Care, said that projections of additional “deaths of despair” range from 27,644, assuming a quick economic recovery and the smallest impact from unemployment, to 154,037, assuming a slow recovery and the greatest impact from unemployment.

“We can prevent these deaths by taking meaningful and comprehensive action,” it said. “More Americans could lose their lives to deaths of despair, deaths due to drug, alcohol, and suicide, if we do not do something immediately. Deaths of despair have been on the rise for the last decade, and in the context of COVID-19, deaths of despair should be seen as the epidemic within the pandemic.”

The Pride and Black Lives Matter movements last month in Washington, DC. The larger official Pride events were canceled due to the coronavirus pandemic but people still showed up to lend their support for the Black Lives Matter movement.


Getty Images

‘A problem which is not named cannot be solved’

But the many race-based incidents that have been captured on camera also raise serious social issues that allow people to see racism and white privilege run wild, social commentators say. It makes most folks feel better about themselves — “Thank God I’m not like that!” — and laugh at the absurdity of people trying to assert their own perceived power in a very public setting. But the most ingrained kinds of racism and white supremacy are neither amusing, nor so obvious.

For example, both white and minority communities are struggling with coronavirus-induced job loss and concerns of getting sick, but people of color frequently experience discrimination in jobs, health care and housing, the kind of systemic racism not so easily captured in a four-minute video. Indeed, some encounters with Karens and Kens can be less public displays of emotion and more cat-and-mouse.

Lisa Alexander, the CEO of LaFace Skincare and now known as “San Francisco Karen,” and her partner, Robert Larkins, walked up to a neighbor James Juanillo in June. They were not happy. Juanillo, who describes himself as a “proud Filipino,” was writing “Black Lives Matter” in yellow chalk on a gray retaining wall in the Pacific Heights area of San Francisco. With a veneer of chilly politeness, they told him that he was breaking the law.


‘Women are judged for being emotional. We’re considered to be difficult when we get angry, whereas men are perceived as being tough and powerful.’


— Denise Dudley, author and workplace consultant

Alexander asked. “Hi, is this your property? I’m asking you if this is your property.” When Juanillo suggested that they didn’t know who lived there, Alexander raised her index finger to her chin apologetically, and said, “We actually do know. That’s why we’re asking. Because we know the person who does live here.”

There was one not-insignificant problem: Alexander was lying. Juanillo had lived in the property since 2002, and clearly decided to let the absurd and cringeworthy scenario play out.

“She was scarier than the other ones,” said Denise Dudley, a San Luis Obispo, Calif.-based author and workplace consultant.

It was not clear why Alexander or Larkins assumed he did not own the property, nor why they would pretend that they were friends with the owner.

But one theory as to why Alexander and Larkins approached Juanillo is that in a predominantly white, wealthy neighborhood like Pacific Heights — where the median-priced home is valued at $2 million, according to Zillow
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— they incorrectly assumed that he did not live there. Feeling secure in that assumption, they clearly felt confident enough to lie and say they did know who lived in Juanillo’s large home.

Alexander released a statement after Juanillo’s video went viral on Twitter
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where it was viewed more than 23 million times. “I want to apologize directly to Mr. Juanillo,” she wrote. “There are not enough words to describe how truly sorry I am for being disrespectful to him.”

She added: “I should have minded my own business. The last 48 hours has taught me that my actions were those of someone who is not aware of the damage caused by being ignorant and naive to racial inequalities.” Nowhere in her apology did Alexander use the word “racist” or “racism.”

One factor that may contribute to the fascination with Karen videos: “Emotional expressions by women tend to come under greater scrutiny than those by men,” wrote the authors of “Constrained by Emotion: Women, Leadership, and Expressing Emotion in the Workplace,” a chapter in the 2016 “Handbook on Well-Being of Working Women.”

Women incur social and economic penalties for expressing stereotypical “masculine” emotions because they threaten society’s patriarchal barriers, researchers Jacqueline Smith, Victoria Brescoll and Erin Thomas wrote.

Dudley said women, whether they are white or Black, are encouraged by society to withhold their anger, while men are encouraged to withhold their tears. “Women are judged for being emotional,” she said. “We’re considered to be difficult when we get angry, whereas men are perceived as being tough and powerful.”

Research has actually suggested that men who get angry are perceived as strong and decisive, while women are more often seen as hysterical. That, Dudley said, could go some way in explaining why Karens seem to trigger more social-media viewers than Kens.

Whatever the underlying reasons why some white women and men are captured on video raging against mask mandates and people of color they meet on the street, Dudley says the moniker serves a useful purpose: It allows people to call out entitled, unacceptable behavior.

McNamarah agrees. “A problem which is not named cannot be solved. Violence which is neither acknowledged nor understood cannot be prevented. Hidden pain and undiagnosed injuries cannot be healed,” she concluded in her Michigan Journal of Race & Law paper.

In the most fortunate cases, social media is a powerful enough tool to bring a reckoning to those who are a public nuisance and/or call the cops on Black neighbors. It provides an important record of the event and often leads to a public backlash, worldwide opprobrium for the Karen or Ken in the video, and financial and professional repercussions for the busybody.

Juanillo, while filming the testy exchange with ”San Francisco Karen,” managed to keep his cool and his sense of humor. As she walked away, he told his millions of future viewers: “And that, people, is why Black lives matter. That’s Karen, and she’s calling the cops, and this is going to be really funny because she knows the people who live here. Personally.”





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